Undergraduate Academics
Politics
The study of politics at Sarah Lawrence College encompasses past and present thinking, political and interdisciplinary influences, and theoretical and hands-on learning. The goal: a deep understanding of the political forces that shape society. How is power structured and exercised? What can be accomplished through well-ordered institutions? And how do conditions that produce freedom compare with those that contribute to tyranny? Questions such as these serve as springboards for stimulating inquiry.
Rather than limit ourselves to the main subdisciplines of political science, we create seminars around today’s issues—such as feminism, international justice, immigration, and poverty—and analyze those issues through the lens of past philosophies and events. We do not stop at artificial boundaries. Our courses often draw from other disciplines or texts, especially when looking at complex situations. Because we see an important connection between political thought and political action, we encourage students to participate in service learning. This engagement helps them apply and augment their studies and leads many toward politically active roles in the United States and around the world.
Politics 2026-2027 Courses
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First-Year Studies—Year | 10 credits
POLI 1021
Over the last 50 years, the reputation of the political system we refer to as (modern representative constitutional) democracy has been on a roller-coaster ride from immense popularity to internal revolt and decay, sometimes ending in competitive autocracy or even authoritarianism. One way to understand this deep ambivalence about “the worst form of government (except for all the others)” is that the values it enshrines—freedom, equality, autonomy, reciprocity, popular sovereignty, the rule of law, deliberation, tolerance—retain an unrivaled appeal, but the practice of democracy so seldom resembles these values that its failures generate anger, resentment, and an appetite for an alternative. Or, barring that, an urge to punish those who give lip service to these values while governing in ways that look, in turn, inept and self-serving. In this course, we will develop this understanding by exploring: (a) the normative foundations of modern democratic theory in 17th-, 18th-, and 19th-century philosophical texts that inspired the revolutions and institutions that continue to structure the political lives and aspirations of many today; (b) the multi-faceted failures of the institutions, politics and policies of self-proclaimed democracy in the 21st century (with a special though not exclusive focus on the United States and the discipline of political science); and (c) proposals for repairing 21st century democracy so that it more fully realizes its potential. In the process, we will also examine some of the 21st century social forces that challenge earlier formulations of democratic theory and practice, including new attention paid to long-buried axes of difference and domination such as gender, race, class, and sexual orientation; the transformation of the public sphere and communication by new media and technology; and the globalization of the economy and the new kinds of power and inequality this has generated. Only a willingness to tackle long reading assignments with care and to work together to unpack texts dense in argument and analysis certainly is expected of interested students. This first-year studies course is intended to introduce all students with varied academic backgrounds to college level work, including sustained independent research (conference work) and participation in focused classroom dialogue in seminar. Biweekly in fall, students will alternate between individual conferences with the instructor and small-group activities. Biweekly in spring, students will meet with the instructor for individual conferences.
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Open, Lecture—Fall | 5 credits
POLI 2039
Antonio Gramsci reportedly wrote, “The old world is dying, and the new world struggles to be born: now is the time of monsters.” He was commenting on the rise of fascism in Italy under Mussolini, but he saw the possibility that, after temporary struggle, something new and beautiful might be built to replace the old system. Recently, he has been quoted by political actors across the spectrum, arguing that we are living in an era of profound change, risk, and possibility. This course will begin by defining the international liberal order created in the wake of World War II, with the founding of the United Nations and the Bretton Woods institutions, the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. This period also saw the development of a new era of international law and the framing of human rights within the context of the Cold War. The international system was defined by two superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union. After the decolonial struggles of the post-war period, many Asian and African states entered the international system and sought to both accommodate themselves to some aspects of the system while seeking to challenge others. By 1989, as the bipolar world of the Cold War era was replaced with the unchecked dominance of the United States, Francis Fukuyama (in)famously proclaimed “the end of history,” defined by the full victory of the liberal world order, capitalism, and liberal democracy. Less than two decades later, the cracks in the system became apparent. In this course, we will follow the liberal triumphalism of the 1990s to the growing isolationism and illiberalism of the 2020s. As United States hegemony is increasingly challenged by the rise of China, and the unipolarity of the 1990s is likely to be replaced by a bipolar or even multipolar arrangement, we will attempt to understand the outlines of the new system, while recognizing its lack of permanence.
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Open, Seminar—Year | 10 credits
POLI 3018
In the midst of a seemingly polarized and anxious American polity, the 2026 election cycle will be a referendum on both President Trump and the 119th Congress. This course will attempt to contextualize the current state of social and political affairs in the United States and examine why so many Americans feel disillusioned about the economic and political scene. Many believe that the country is headed in the wrong direction. They see an economy that is not improving, a social and political world that is deeply divided and full of anger, and endless fighting about numerous topics, including gun control, immigration, the environment, and global engagement. These concerns will all have a potent impact on the outcome of the 2026 elections. This course will examine these current sentiments as the backdrop for understanding the 2026 electoral cycle. We will focus on what political science can tell us about electoral politics, with the electoral process itself being one of the most fundamental aspects of American democracy: allowing citizens to choose their representatives, from local county boards to the occupant of the White House. Accordingly, we will examine present and past research on numerous questions relating to elections, such as: Who votes and participates, how, and why? How does income, religion, race, and geographic region play into electoral behavior? What about institutions—such as electoral rules, various debates and the Electoral College? What about the role of mass media and social media platforms? What about the art of persuasion; that is, do campaigns matter or is it simply the economy? These are a sampling of the puzzles that we will tackle. And while the course will certainly spend a considerable amount of time looking at the presidency, we will also focus on Congressional races and local races, as well. This seminar will be an open, nonpartisan forum for discussion and debate. As such, the course will be driven by data, not dogma. We will use a variety of approaches based in logic and evidence to find answers to various puzzles about American policy and will treat this material as social scientist, not ideologues. Comfort with numbers and statistics is expected. This course will have an intensive reading and writing schedule—so please be prepared to devote the time.
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Open, Small Lecture—Year | 10 credits
POLI 2095
Note: Same as PHIL 2095.
Many of us are struck by the growing irrationality of contemporary democratic politics to the point where we despair of our capacity to address problems like global climate change or pandemics that could pose existential threats to our species, to fashion constructive foreign policy as wars rage, or to face a whole range of urgent but more mundane policy issues. In this course, we will seek to understand disturbing trends like populism, polarization, disinformation, and self-injuring or -defeating politics, as well as the resurfacing of nativism, xenophobia, and racism in contemporary politics—in part on their own terms but also by asking whether they are deeply rooted in human nature, at least on our current best understandings of ourselves. More specifically, democracy seems to rely on at least a minimum degree of rationality, learning, openness to argument and difference, and self-control on the part of the citizens whose votes and opinions guide government policy. But is this reliance foolhardy in light of what recent history, psychology, evolutionary theory, philosophy, and cognitive science teach? Do aspects of our current social and technological circumstances make us less able to manifest these qualities of character today than our Enlightenment progenitors hoped in the era of democratic revolutions—the era from which many of the ideas and institutions that continue to inform our politics today emerged? In this course, we will survey aspects of the political history of recent centuries, as well as our own historical moment, to ask if they should temper confidence in the power of reason in politics. We will also examine recent research in cognitive science, psychology, and philosophy that conclude that it is hard to sustain a model of human behavior that places reason and rationality in the driver’s seat. What alternative accounts of human nature are emerging from recent research? And what are their political implications, especially for democratic societies? By bringing together political science, history, and theory with cognitive science, psychology, and philosophy, we should be able to occupy the intersection of distinct but equally relevant disciplines to ask whether the Enlightenment’s faith in democracy was misplaced. Or, instead, are there reasons to believe that democracy can maintain its claim to legitimacy, even after reason has been demoted in our understandings of human nature? To address this final question, we will also examine proposals for 21st-century democratic reforms that either seek to adjust downward the expectations on the capacity of citizens to engage in deliberative politics or to refashion political institutions to better summon the better angels of our nature.
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Sophomore and Above, Seminar—Year | 10 credits
POLI 3020
Despite frequent pleas for unity from United States presidents Donald Trump and Joe Biden, alongside the rise of groups such as BridgeUSA, Third Way, and No Labels to promote political centrism and compromise, the seemingly never-ending sociopolitical polarization appears to be the new norm in American political life—and it may not have reached its violent peak back in January 2021. To many politicians, pundits, and others alike, the social and political scene in the United States in the 21st century appears to be one of turmoil, disagreement, division, and instability. We regularly hear about a polarized and deadlocked political class; we read about increasing class and religious differences—from the alleged divides between Wall Street and Main Street to those who are secular and those who are religious; and we often see disturbing, dangerous, and violent images and actions from various politically-oriented groups. This seminar will look at the history of division in America and explore the puzzle of how to move on from this divided state. While the course will briefly examine the veracity of these recent impressions of the American sociopolitical scene, we will center our course on the question: Is policymaking forever deadlocked, or can real political progress be made? Moreover, what are the social and policy implications of polarization? How does the nation govern and function in the Trumpian political epoch, and are the political parties representing the will of the people? What about the impact of the 2024 elections? What are we to make of the frequent calls for change and for healing America’s divisions? In this seminar, we will examine these questions and deeper aspects of American political culture today. Covering a lot of ground from America’s founding to today, after reviewing some basics of the political economy, students will study American political cultures from a variety of vantage points with a number of different stories emerging. We will look at numerous aspects of American social and political life—from examining the masses, political elites, Congress, and policymaking communities to social movements, the media, and America’s position in a global community—all with a focus on policy and moving the country forward. This course will be driven by data, not dogma. We will use modern political-economy approaches based in logic and evidence to find answers to contemporary public-policy problems and questions of polarization. The material will be treated as social scientists, not as ideologues. Students should anticipate extensive reading. Comfort with data and statistics will be expected.
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Open, Seminar—Spring | 5 credits
POLI 3253
The Council on Foreign Relations has succinctly noted: “The future is African.” This course will offer a comprehensive introduction to international politics from the perspective of African states and societies. We will consider how states on the continent are shifting global politics from economic relations and consumer trends to ideals of democracy and development. We will begin our exploration by considering the dramatic changes that African societies have experienced from colonialism to decolonization to the present. We will engage key questions regarding postcolonial governance and popular demands for democracy. How have Africans engaged their governments to call for reform or revolution? Where has this led to effective democracies? Why have some states experienced civil wars? What role have external influences, from Western aid to the expansion of Chinese influence, played on the continent? We will consider the demands of protesters and the causes for rebellion and seek to understand both pressure for and resistance to reform. At the end of the semester, students will simulate the United States National Security Council to debate a U.S. response to an imagined political crisis on the African continent. Finally, we will end the term with an exploration of what an “African future” will mean not just for Africans but also for societies across the globe.
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Intermediate, Seminar—Spring | 5 credits
POLI 3314
Prerequisite: previous social science courses
Thomas Hobbes believed that the State, or what he called the Leviathan, was the necessary result of individuals trying to escape from a state of nature, where existence was “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.” Charles Tilly compared states to racketeers; Vladimir Lenin, following the lead of Marx and Engels, wrote that the State exists to maintain the domination and oppression of one class by another. John F. Kennedy famously proclaimed, “Ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country,” demanding Americans’ unquestioning, altruistic loyalty to the State. And for about two centuries, communists, socialists, anarchists, and social democrats have debated whether the State must be reformed, overthrown, or abolished in the name of democracy, equality, and popular sovereignty. These different and often contradictory approaches reveal that there is no common agreement on the nature or role of the State. So, what is the State? Where did it come from? What are the sources and limits of its power? Why does it have so much control over our lives? These are the questions that we will ask in this course. We will pay special attention to the relationship between the development of the modern state and capitalism; the rise of the welfare state, the epitome of modern state power; and state violence. We will discuss alternative visions of the State’s role and responsibility and ask: Do we need the State, and can we make the State work for us?
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Intermediate/Advanced, Seminar—Spring | 5 credits
POLI 3711
Prerequisite: prior social sciences coursework
The events of September 11, 2001 unleashed a bitter and contentious debate regarding not just how states and societies might best respond to the threat of violence but also, fundamentally, what qualifies as terrorism. Just nine days later, and without resolving any of these difficult issues, the United States announced its response: The Global War on Terrorism. Two and a half decades later, we are no closer to consensus concerning these politically and emotionally charged debates. Americans are also belatedly beginning to realize that the greatest threat of terror attacks in the United States originates from domestic rather than foreign actors, often white nationalists. This course will investigate the use of violence by state and non-state actors to assert their authority and to inspire fear. The modern state, as it was formed in Western Europe, was born of war. In Charles Tilly’s often-quoted phrase: “War makes states, and states make war.” The ability to control violence within a territory has long been a key part of the definition of a functioning state. The presence of armed groups on a state’s territory, which the state does not or cannot effectively control, is therefore a direct challenge to a state’s authority and has the potential to undermine its recognition as an international actor. This course will discuss the evolution of the terminology of terror and terrorism from the French Revolution to the present and consider frameworks to distinguish forms of violence and different types of violent actors. We will explore acts of state terror and their consequences and consider the use of the term ”terrorism” in the popular press, in political rhetoric, and in policymaking by states and international organizations. We will consider a range of nonstate actors that have employed violence—including South Africa’s African National Congress (ANC), Sri Lanka’s Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), and white nationalists in the United States—and explore the impact their use of violence has had for their popular support, for local and transnational communities and their ability to achieve their goals. Finally, we will consider new means of terror from drone warfare to cyber warfare. As part of our discussion of United States foreign policy. We will conduct a Model Diplomacy simulation in which students will assume the roles of members of the United States National Security Council (NSC).
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